Rodolfo Walsh’s article to the military junta is very powerful. “Fifteen thousand disappeared, ten thousand prisoners, four thousand dead, hundreds of thousands uprooted; these are the raw statistics of terror” (285). I felt my self cringing as I read these facts. I wonder if this letter was even read and if it had any effect on the men reading it.
Our readings last week highlighted the deaths and torture. Walsh also reveals the economic devastation that Argentina experienced. “In one year you have reduced the real value of salaries by 40 per cent, diminished their participation in national income by 30 per cent, extended the number of work hours required to afford basic necessities from six to eighteen hours…” (288). This highlights the fact that everyone in Argentina was affected by the dictatorship, not just those who were physically abused/ killed or lost someone.
Rodolfo Walsh was a brave man and he knew that he would be persecuted for this letter. He clearly felt the need to express himself and make an attempt to have his voice heard. “These are the thoughts I wanted to send the Junta members on the first anniversary of your ill-fated government, without the hope of being listened to, with the certainty of being persecuted, true to the commitment I took up a long time ago, to bear witness in difficult times” (290).
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Sunday, October 29, 2006
Sunday, October 22, 2006
"Our children were taken alive; we want them back alive
I really enjoyed this weeks readings. The section on “las locas” was especially interesting to me. The introduction sums up the women’s relationship with each other very well. They were “brought together by the agony and controlled fury that only a mother whose children have been taken away could feel (428). Hebe’s account is heart wrenching. It really gives insight to the feelings and connections between the women. Of her first meeting with a fellow mother of a missing child she notes, “I felt a bond of sisterhood with that woman. I felt understood” (431). These bonds were clearly so important for the women’s processes of mourning and effort to take a stand. It was interesting to read that many of them, including Hebe herself were in disbelief of the situation. She explains, “…something in me was still asking if we weren’t creating too much of a scandal over nothing, over some confusion that would surely be cleared up sooner or later” (432). I never knew the key role- that the world cup played in raising international awareness. I also had no idea that “las locas” were the only visible protesters during the dictatorship.
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Monday, October 16, 2006
Assignment 1
Shannon Mattiace’s article Regional Renegotiations of Space: Tojolabal Ethnic Identity in Las Margaritas, Chiapas examines the unification of different ethnicities in the Chiapas region of Mexico on the basis of “common experiences of discrimination, lack of representation and power in the national political system, and the absence of government services in indigenous region, as well as on the shared practice of communal work and similar decision making procedures within indigenous communities” (Mattiace 73). Since 1974 indigenous people of Tzotzils, Tzeltals, Chols, and Tojolabal of the Chiapas region have organized collectively in order to discuss common issues they face as minorities and possible ways to resolve them (Mattiace 73). This collective work Mattiace maintains, “provides the participants with a broader vision of themselves both as members of particular ethnic groups and as Indians in the larger context” (Mattiace 73). The collective organization has played an intricate role in uniting the people. By using the Tojolabals as a case study, Mattiace explores regional autonomy in Chiapas. Her article highlights different tactics used by varying regional organizations of the Tojolabals to fight for the basic rights of indigenous people such as access to health care and education, and representation in the government. As well, it examines the challenges communities face in organizing themselves.
The first part of the article speaks about the history of the Tojolabals. Mattiace makes a very important distinction about Tojolabal ethnic identity. She notes that “ethnic identity is more, however than simply the maintenance of legacies... It also adapts to changing circumstances and is continuously reimagined and reinvented” (Mattiace 75). It is often viewed that indigenous groups are meant to have stagnant societies and to hold true to all traditions. This is an important distinction to make as indigenous cultures are often misunderstood when their traditions change. This adaptation to changing environments and circumstances is a mode of survival and a natural cultural progression. Mattiace explains that Tojolabal people are often viewed as having lost many of their traditions such as traditional dress, language, and governing practices, as a result of adapting their lives. For this, anthropologists often neglect to study them, yet the collective action they have taken is noteworthy and warrants research and recognition (Mattiace 76).
Following a brief explanation of the history of the Tojolabals, Mattiace’s second section is about the Rise of Regional Politics. The 1970s were a time of “upheaval and crisis in the Mexican countryside” (78). Numerous different collectives came about at this time in response to the changes that were occurring in rural Mexico. Concerns in each group varied from land reform and redistribution to working together to receive higher prices for their products. Beginning in the 1990s this indigenous political organization increased in the region, most notably with growing strength of the Ejercito Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional (Zapatista Army National Liberation- EZLN) (Mattiace 74). Zapatista headquarters are in Tojolabal communities and the Tojolabals constitute a large portion of the grassroots support for the EZLN (Mattiace 77). As a result of this long history of collective action, Tojolabals can therefore stand as a model for other minorities in their attempts to organize regionally (Mattiace 76). Mattiace’s explanation of the Rise of Regional Politics is the weakest part of her article. It is not outlined in a clear manner and is hard to follow as a reader. As well the numerous acronyms used for the different groups are hard to follow and differentiate which makes comprehension more difficult and the argument less cohesive.
Mattiace makes an important distinction in her approach to the relationship between Tojolabals and mestizo peasants. She notes that, “Although Tojolabals share many concerns with poor mestizo peasants they continue to feel distinct and to perceive that society treats them differently from mestizos; this discrepancy illustrates the multiple layers of oppression and discrimination that define the Indian experience” (Mattiace 81). Tojolabals maintain that they “work the land and that their relationship to the soil distinguishes them from the mestizos who work at other occupations in the city” (Mattiace 81). This distinction is important as often minorities are grouped together and believed to be the same and face the same issues. It is crucial that the unique characteristics that indigenous people have-- such as their connection to the land and the central role that it plays in their daily life are made and recognized. Mattiace makes this recognition in her study of the Tojolabals.
The strongest portion of Mattiace’s article is her outline of intercommunity conflict and the way in which the conflicts challenge regional autonomy. She notes that the five major issues which divide the communities are religion, political party affiliation, support for the EZLN, continuing land conflicts, and the drawing of municipal boundaries (Mattiace 88-89). This is the strongest part of her article as she clearly explains the ways in which these dividing factors hinder regional autonomy. She makes an interesting point about religion as a barrier to regional autonomy. She claims that it is not the diversity of religious groups within a community that cause strife. Instead, often newly introduced religious ceremonies and responsibilities are taking priority over local village fiestas and rituals and this poses a threat to community traditions (89).
Mattiace successfully presents valid support for recognizing past Tojolabal triumph in collectively organizing. She speaks of numerous organizations that the Tojolabals created and highlights the fact that they were leaders in movements to fight for their rights. Her greatest weakness in writing is the lack of organization in her background information on the Rise of Regional Politics. However, she does an excellent job clearly outlining the challenges the Tojolabals face in achieving regional autonomy. Mattiace’s study of the Tojolabals provides concrete evidence of the successes in regionally organizing. As well, it sheds light on the determination and hard work of the Tojolabal people in their attempt to have their voices heard and needs met.
Works Cited:
Mattiace, Shannan L. >Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 28, No. 2, The Indigenous People of Chiapas and the State in the Time of Zapatismo: Remaking Culture, Renegotiating Power. (Mar..2001), pp. 73-97.
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The first part of the article speaks about the history of the Tojolabals. Mattiace makes a very important distinction about Tojolabal ethnic identity. She notes that “ethnic identity is more, however than simply the maintenance of legacies... It also adapts to changing circumstances and is continuously reimagined and reinvented” (Mattiace 75). It is often viewed that indigenous groups are meant to have stagnant societies and to hold true to all traditions. This is an important distinction to make as indigenous cultures are often misunderstood when their traditions change. This adaptation to changing environments and circumstances is a mode of survival and a natural cultural progression. Mattiace explains that Tojolabal people are often viewed as having lost many of their traditions such as traditional dress, language, and governing practices, as a result of adapting their lives. For this, anthropologists often neglect to study them, yet the collective action they have taken is noteworthy and warrants research and recognition (Mattiace 76).
Following a brief explanation of the history of the Tojolabals, Mattiace’s second section is about the Rise of Regional Politics. The 1970s were a time of “upheaval and crisis in the Mexican countryside” (78). Numerous different collectives came about at this time in response to the changes that were occurring in rural Mexico. Concerns in each group varied from land reform and redistribution to working together to receive higher prices for their products. Beginning in the 1990s this indigenous political organization increased in the region, most notably with growing strength of the Ejercito Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional (Zapatista Army National Liberation- EZLN) (Mattiace 74). Zapatista headquarters are in Tojolabal communities and the Tojolabals constitute a large portion of the grassroots support for the EZLN (Mattiace 77). As a result of this long history of collective action, Tojolabals can therefore stand as a model for other minorities in their attempts to organize regionally (Mattiace 76). Mattiace’s explanation of the Rise of Regional Politics is the weakest part of her article. It is not outlined in a clear manner and is hard to follow as a reader. As well the numerous acronyms used for the different groups are hard to follow and differentiate which makes comprehension more difficult and the argument less cohesive.
Mattiace makes an important distinction in her approach to the relationship between Tojolabals and mestizo peasants. She notes that, “Although Tojolabals share many concerns with poor mestizo peasants they continue to feel distinct and to perceive that society treats them differently from mestizos; this discrepancy illustrates the multiple layers of oppression and discrimination that define the Indian experience” (Mattiace 81). Tojolabals maintain that they “work the land and that their relationship to the soil distinguishes them from the mestizos who work at other occupations in the city” (Mattiace 81). This distinction is important as often minorities are grouped together and believed to be the same and face the same issues. It is crucial that the unique characteristics that indigenous people have-- such as their connection to the land and the central role that it plays in their daily life are made and recognized. Mattiace makes this recognition in her study of the Tojolabals.
The strongest portion of Mattiace’s article is her outline of intercommunity conflict and the way in which the conflicts challenge regional autonomy. She notes that the five major issues which divide the communities are religion, political party affiliation, support for the EZLN, continuing land conflicts, and the drawing of municipal boundaries (Mattiace 88-89). This is the strongest part of her article as she clearly explains the ways in which these dividing factors hinder regional autonomy. She makes an interesting point about religion as a barrier to regional autonomy. She claims that it is not the diversity of religious groups within a community that cause strife. Instead, often newly introduced religious ceremonies and responsibilities are taking priority over local village fiestas and rituals and this poses a threat to community traditions (89).
Mattiace successfully presents valid support for recognizing past Tojolabal triumph in collectively organizing. She speaks of numerous organizations that the Tojolabals created and highlights the fact that they were leaders in movements to fight for their rights. Her greatest weakness in writing is the lack of organization in her background information on the Rise of Regional Politics. However, she does an excellent job clearly outlining the challenges the Tojolabals face in achieving regional autonomy. Mattiace’s study of the Tojolabals provides concrete evidence of the successes in regionally organizing. As well, it sheds light on the determination and hard work of the Tojolabal people in their attempt to have their voices heard and needs met.
Works Cited:
Mattiace, Shannan L. >Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 28, No. 2, The Indigenous People of Chiapas and the State in the Time of Zapatismo: Remaking Culture, Renegotiating Power. (Mar..2001), pp. 73-97.
tag: last301
Sunday, October 15, 2006
Chavez ‘Ready to Defend Bolivia’ ”
“Chavez ‘Ready to Defend Bolivia’ ” is about Chavez’s claim to protect Morales if there is an attempt to overthrow. Chavez claims that the “a US backed plan was being implemented to impede Mr Morales' cabinet from governing effectively, so that his removal could later be justified”. It is also noted in the article that Venezuela and Bolivia have recently made a military co-operation agreement. Press coverage of Chavez and Venezuela has been very dramatic in the last couple months. Ranging from Chavez calling Bush the devil to their possible seat in the UN. The open tension between Chavez in the US gives great opportunity for dramatic press coverage.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/6045152.stm
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http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/6045152.stm
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Robins readign
I found the Robins reading on “Atrocity as Metaphor: The Symbolic Language pf Rebellion” especially interesting this week. In discussions, we have discussed the fact that Spaniards and Natives could not verbally communicate. Robins sheds some interesting light on ways in which they were able to communicate with each other. He notes that “Many were anything but inarticulate and expressed themselves clearly through the symbolic nature of their actions” (142). The rebels used symbols to make peace with the Spaniards. By wearing Spanish style clothing and caring an image of Christ, Tupatu was able to show the Spaniards that he came peacefully (146). Robins has numerous examples of symbolic hatred and abuse by the rebels. A noteworthy story was when the rebels attacked Pocoata and the escort of Corregidor Alós. In this encounter, they chopped of the hand of the scribe and cut out the tongue of the advisor, before finally killing these two men. Robins highlights that these men were first “striped of their ability to perform their roles in society, to write and speak” (147), and then finally killed. On the surface it is obvious that the Spaniards and native people could not communicate verbally but we can see that there were other ways to communicate successfully and in many ways far more dramatically. This article by Robins demonstrates that taking an alternative approach to understanding actions of the rebel leaders can give us some answers and prove to be very interesting .
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