Wednesday, November 29, 2006

final thoughts.....

This course has been great for me. I, like everyone else, still haven’t fully answered the magic question, but I feel that I have looked at human rights in ways that no other course has shown (more to be seen in my paper!!). I think we will all leave (at least) slightly more depressed then when we walked in the first day, yet far more enlightened.
In terms of course layout I wish we had had a little less time with all the theory and gotten to spend more time looking at case studies, which I think we sadly because of a lack of time just skimmed over. The three hour classes were great for having plenty of time to get into group discussions and really have a chance to talk things out. I loved the freedom we had in our case studies. It was really nice for me personally to take the time to read up on Chiapas before I head there in January! I hope that next year there will be a course to follow this up as I think there is so much more to explore.
Jon thanks so much for Monday night it was a really great way to end the term. A highlight for sure! Also please keep in touch about Latin American Studies as I really would like to do something to create more of a community.



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Sunday, November 26, 2006

Anti-Chavez Protest

CNN proudly boasted on its headlines yesterday that hundreds of thousands of Venezuelans were out on Saturday to rally in support of presidential candidate Manual Rosales. In the last poll Chavez led by 30 points but this rally is said to show that Rosales has the strength to win. It will be interesting to see what the results are!

http://www.cnn.com/2006/WORLD/americas/11/25/chavez.protest.ap/index.html


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Wednesday, November 22, 2006

Perera reading

After our class discussion yesterday about "is this just a permanent war" I have a few more comments- I think that this is ongoing yet there are some steps that are being taken to have positive change. For instance in '94 the women’s revolutionary laws were created for women in Chiapas. The intention was to provide women with basic rights such as education and health care. As well, they gave women the ability to make decisions about their bodies (children etc) and to participate in the Zapatista movement. Although women to this day do not have ALL these rights I think that it is valuable to note that initiatives are being taken. The laws were written and action is being taken. I think the key is grass roots initiatives on a small scale- hopefully being more and more effective and successful


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Sunday, October 29, 2006

Open Writer from a wrtire to the Military Junta

Rodolfo Walsh’s article to the military junta is very powerful. “Fifteen thousand disappeared, ten thousand prisoners, four thousand dead, hundreds of thousands uprooted; these are the raw statistics of terror” (285). I felt my self cringing as I read these facts. I wonder if this letter was even read and if it had any effect on the men reading it.
Our readings last week highlighted the deaths and torture. Walsh also reveals the economic devastation that Argentina experienced. “In one year you have reduced the real value of salaries by 40 per cent, diminished their participation in national income by 30 per cent, extended the number of work hours required to afford basic necessities from six to eighteen hours…” (288). This highlights the fact that everyone in Argentina was affected by the dictatorship, not just those who were physically abused/ killed or lost someone.
Rodolfo Walsh was a brave man and he knew that he would be persecuted for this letter. He clearly felt the need to express himself and make an attempt to have his voice heard. “These are the thoughts I wanted to send the Junta members on the first anniversary of your ill-fated government, without the hope of being listened to, with the certainty of being persecuted, true to the commitment I took up a long time ago, to bear witness in difficult times” (290).



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Sunday, October 22, 2006

"Our children were taken alive; we want them back alive

I really enjoyed this weeks readings. The section on “las locas” was especially interesting to me. The introduction sums up the women’s relationship with each other very well. They were “brought together by the agony and controlled fury that only a mother whose children have been taken away could feel (428). Hebe’s account is heart wrenching. It really gives insight to the feelings and connections between the women. Of her first meeting with a fellow mother of a missing child she notes, “I felt a bond of sisterhood with that woman. I felt understood” (431). These bonds were clearly so important for the women’s processes of mourning and effort to take a stand. It was interesting to read that many of them, including Hebe herself were in disbelief of the situation. She explains, “…something in me was still asking if we weren’t creating too much of a scandal over nothing, over some confusion that would surely be cleared up sooner or later” (432). I never knew the key role- that the world cup played in raising international awareness. I also had no idea that “las locas” were the only visible protesters during the dictatorship.


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Monday, October 16, 2006

Assignment 1

Shannon Mattiace’s article Regional Renegotiations of Space: Tojolabal Ethnic Identity in Las Margaritas, Chiapas examines the unification of different ethnicities in the Chiapas region of Mexico on the basis of “common experiences of discrimination, lack of representation and power in the national political system, and the absence of government services in indigenous region, as well as on the shared practice of communal work and similar decision making procedures within indigenous communities” (Mattiace 73). Since 1974 indigenous people of Tzotzils, Tzeltals, Chols, and Tojolabal of the Chiapas region have organized collectively in order to discuss common issues they face as minorities and possible ways to resolve them (Mattiace 73). This collective work Mattiace maintains, “provides the participants with a broader vision of themselves both as members of particular ethnic groups and as Indians in the larger context” (Mattiace 73). The collective organization has played an intricate role in uniting the people. By using the Tojolabals as a case study, Mattiace explores regional autonomy in Chiapas. Her article highlights different tactics used by varying regional organizations of the Tojolabals to fight for the basic rights of indigenous people such as access to health care and education, and representation in the government. As well, it examines the challenges communities face in organizing themselves.
The first part of the article speaks about the history of the Tojolabals. Mattiace makes a very important distinction about Tojolabal ethnic identity. She notes that “ethnic identity is more, however than simply the maintenance of legacies... It also adapts to changing circumstances and is continuously reimagined and reinvented” (Mattiace 75). It is often viewed that indigenous groups are meant to have stagnant societies and to hold true to all traditions. This is an important distinction to make as indigenous cultures are often misunderstood when their traditions change. This adaptation to changing environments and circumstances is a mode of survival and a natural cultural progression. Mattiace explains that Tojolabal people are often viewed as having lost many of their traditions such as traditional dress, language, and governing practices, as a result of adapting their lives. For this, anthropologists often neglect to study them, yet the collective action they have taken is noteworthy and warrants research and recognition (Mattiace 76).
Following a brief explanation of the history of the Tojolabals, Mattiace’s second section is about the Rise of Regional Politics. The 1970s were a time of “upheaval and crisis in the Mexican countryside” (78). Numerous different collectives came about at this time in response to the changes that were occurring in rural Mexico. Concerns in each group varied from land reform and redistribution to working together to receive higher prices for their products. Beginning in the 1990s this indigenous political organization increased in the region, most notably with growing strength of the Ejercito Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional (Zapatista Army National Liberation- EZLN) (Mattiace 74). Zapatista headquarters are in Tojolabal communities and the Tojolabals constitute a large portion of the grassroots support for the EZLN (Mattiace 77). As a result of this long history of collective action, Tojolabals can therefore stand as a model for other minorities in their attempts to organize regionally (Mattiace 76). Mattiace’s explanation of the Rise of Regional Politics is the weakest part of her article. It is not outlined in a clear manner and is hard to follow as a reader. As well the numerous acronyms used for the different groups are hard to follow and differentiate which makes comprehension more difficult and the argument less cohesive.
Mattiace makes an important distinction in her approach to the relationship between Tojolabals and mestizo peasants. She notes that, “Although Tojolabals share many concerns with poor mestizo peasants they continue to feel distinct and to perceive that society treats them differently from mestizos; this discrepancy illustrates the multiple layers of oppression and discrimination that define the Indian experience” (Mattiace 81). Tojolabals maintain that they “work the land and that their relationship to the soil distinguishes them from the mestizos who work at other occupations in the city” (Mattiace 81). This distinction is important as often minorities are grouped together and believed to be the same and face the same issues. It is crucial that the unique characteristics that indigenous people have-- such as their connection to the land and the central role that it plays in their daily life are made and recognized. Mattiace makes this recognition in her study of the Tojolabals.
The strongest portion of Mattiace’s article is her outline of intercommunity conflict and the way in which the conflicts challenge regional autonomy. She notes that the five major issues which divide the communities are religion, political party affiliation, support for the EZLN, continuing land conflicts, and the drawing of municipal boundaries (Mattiace 88-89). This is the strongest part of her article as she clearly explains the ways in which these dividing factors hinder regional autonomy. She makes an interesting point about religion as a barrier to regional autonomy. She claims that it is not the diversity of religious groups within a community that cause strife. Instead, often newly introduced religious ceremonies and responsibilities are taking priority over local village fiestas and rituals and this poses a threat to community traditions (89).
Mattiace successfully presents valid support for recognizing past Tojolabal triumph in collectively organizing. She speaks of numerous organizations that the Tojolabals created and highlights the fact that they were leaders in movements to fight for their rights. Her greatest weakness in writing is the lack of organization in her background information on the Rise of Regional Politics. However, she does an excellent job clearly outlining the challenges the Tojolabals face in achieving regional autonomy. Mattiace’s study of the Tojolabals provides concrete evidence of the successes in regionally organizing. As well, it sheds light on the determination and hard work of the Tojolabal people in their attempt to have their voices heard and needs met.

Works Cited:
Mattiace, Shannan L. >Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 28, No. 2, The Indigenous People of Chiapas and the State in the Time of Zapatismo: Remaking Culture, Renegotiating Power. (Mar..2001), pp. 73-97.


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Sunday, October 15, 2006

Chavez ‘Ready to Defend Bolivia’ ”

“Chavez ‘Ready to Defend Bolivia’ ” is about Chavez’s claim to protect Morales if there is an attempt to overthrow. Chavez claims that the “a US backed plan was being implemented to impede Mr Morales' cabinet from governing effectively, so that his removal could later be justified”. It is also noted in the article that Venezuela and Bolivia have recently made a military co-operation agreement. Press coverage of Chavez and Venezuela has been very dramatic in the last couple months. Ranging from Chavez calling Bush the devil to their possible seat in the UN. The open tension between Chavez in the US gives great opportunity for dramatic press coverage.

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/6045152.stm


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Robins readign

I found the Robins reading on “Atrocity as Metaphor: The Symbolic Language pf Rebellion” especially interesting this week. In discussions, we have discussed the fact that Spaniards and Natives could not verbally communicate. Robins sheds some interesting light on ways in which they were able to communicate with each other. He notes that “Many were anything but inarticulate and expressed themselves clearly through the symbolic nature of their actions” (142). The rebels used symbols to make peace with the Spaniards. By wearing Spanish style clothing and caring an image of Christ, Tupatu was able to show the Spaniards that he came peacefully (146). Robins has numerous examples of symbolic hatred and abuse by the rebels. A noteworthy story was when the rebels attacked Pocoata and the escort of Corregidor Alós. In this encounter, they chopped of the hand of the scribe and cut out the tongue of the advisor, before finally killing these two men. Robins highlights that these men were first “striped of their ability to perform their roles in society, to write and speak” (147), and then finally killed. On the surface it is obvious that the Spaniards and native people could not communicate verbally but we can see that there were other ways to communicate successfully and in many ways far more dramatically. This article by Robins demonstrates that taking an alternative approach to understanding actions of the rebel leaders can give us some answers and prove to be very interesting .

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Sunday, September 24, 2006

Chavez-Castro Friendship Tricky for US


This article was written before Chavez famously called Bush the devil earlier this week, but I think that it explains some important ties between Cuba and Venezuela which fuels the threat that the two countries poses to the US. This relationship between Castro and Chavez has been highlighted all over the media. The rather popular photo of Chavez sitting holding Castro’s hand while he is sick in bed stands as a symbol of the strong backing that Cuba has by Chavez and the fact that he will stand by Cuba. It is a message to the US that they will not be able to simply take over when Fidel dies. The article notes, “Castro and Chavez are united by what they call a crusade against U.S. dominance of Latin America and unbridled capitalism that is driving the world to ruin.” They are some of the most outspoken anti US leaders in Latin America. This union and strength that they have poses a huge threat to US presence.

http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20060913
/ap_on_re_la_am_ca/hugo___fidel_3

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Theory: The Origin of Rights

In responding to our readings I decided to focus on a couple quotes that I found interesting.

The first is by Paine. He notes, “Man did not enter into society to become worse than he was before, nor to have less rights than he had before, but to have these rights better secured (Paine 78)” This comment by Paine struck me as it relates to a lot of what we have discussed about rights. In theory this comment is pretty straightforward and rather obvious, yet as we have discussed, in our stratified world this does not ring true for all.

I liked what Rousseau had to say about war and I think that it is especially relevant to us right now. He says, “It is the relationship of things, not of men, that constitutes a sate of war, and since the state of war cannot be engendered merely by personal relationships but only by relationships between things a private war between man and man cannot exist… War is not, therefore, a relationship between man and man, but between state and state, in which individuals become enemies only by accident, not as men, nor even as citizens soldiers (Rousseau 51). This quote immediately made me think of the situation in Iraq and the rather ironic nature of war. We become enemies essentially over fighting for national interests, whether it be land, natural resources, power, religion, or the political and nationalistic gains of the state. These desires result in arm conflict and the loss of thousands of lives. On the surface war is fought man to man (or woman) creating enemies yet it is at the interest of the state.

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Sunday, September 17, 2006

Experts: Mexico must do more
This article is about the treatment of Mexicans who are injured at working illegally in the US. It highlights the cross border battle of border life in Mexico. I briefly studied border life of Mexico in an anthropology class last year and was interested to read about this employment struggle in the news. I found the article in The Charlotte Observer (from a google link). It is a short article which highlights the struggles of Mexicans going to the US to seek a better life. It notes that Mexicans believe they will be treated fairly and taken care of while working in the US. Unfortunately this is not the case and injuries are costly and the families have little choice but to deal with it in Mexico. The system is too complex and costly for most Mexicans to file claims against the US. The article highlights the injustices of this area and the need for an improvement in US/Mexican work relations for the safety of its citizens.

http://www.charlotte.com/mld/charlotte/news/
special_packages/immigration/15539725.htm


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In reading the numerous declarations etc. I am struck by the face that my rights are in reality something I give very little thought to. Although it is something many give little thought to, hundreds of years worth of work have been put into creating and adapting them for various countries. I think that our class discussion demonstrated the fact that many of us are unaware of our specific rights. I am curious as to how this varies from country to country and from person to person. Would I be more knowledgeable of my specific rights if they were challenged more often?
I found reading the Canadian Charter especially interesting, and I think that every Canadian should review it. As we briefly discussed in class one of the most notable aspects was the presence of the French language. I think that this is would be far less striking if we were living on the East coast because in comparison there is very little presence of French in Vancouver. Of more notable relevance is the absence of aboriginal rights which seems especially evident to us living on the west coast. Something else that struck me is the section 15 of the Equality rights. It is an extensive list of basis upon which not to discriminate yet fails to mention sexual orientation. I understand that this was of far less relevance at the time yet updates should be made as it is now over 20 years later.

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